Undersökning och självaktiviteten söndag, Jan 24 2010 

Här kommer en fortsättning på inlägget om självaktivitet, strategi och klassmakt:

Parentes om självaktiviteten som strategi och projektualitet

Om vi tittar på när vi började diskutera utomfacklig arbetsplatskamp i den utomparlamentariska rörelsen på allvar så skedde det genom att lansera begrepp som pekade på det vi anade var en utspridd tendens, nämligen ansiktslöst motstånd. Alla undersökningar bekräftade senare detta som en reell tendens. Det var de första stegen i försöket att bygga en rörelse som var baserad på en reell och redan utspridd klasspraktik. Det här sättet att arbeta på, där själva begreppet, tankesättet, skapar ett nödvändigt avstånd från vad som händer på arbetsplatserna och som gör att man kan förstå mikrofenomen som utspridda och samhälleliga tendenser – alltså meso- och makrofenomen – är inte bara beskrivande. Det är också aktiverande. Medvetenhet gör att man kan intervenera bättre i de dagliga konflikterna och det gör att man kan se varför konflikter fattas eller hur de kan utvecklas.

Den grundläggande frågan har alltid varit hur man skapar en rörelse som producerar självaktivitet och som reser sig ur den verkliga konflikten mellan arbete och kapital. Ett första sätt att arbeta på har varit att skapa en viss uppsättning beskrivande termer som gör att missnöjda lönearbetare kan använda sig av dem för att dels förstå ett generellt och samhälleligt fenomen, dels kunna intervenera bättre i de kamper som de redan är en del av.

Ett gemensamt språk och en utspridd gemensam metod har skapat en mängd olika undersökningar där man inte bara pekar ut fenomen utan där man även använder sig av undersökningen som ett medel för att intervenera och förändra. På det viset kan självaktiviteten stärkas ”utifrån”. Men detta ”utanförskap” fungerar inte representativt eller ställföreträdande utan det skapar snarare ett handlingsutrymme på arbetsplatserna. Problemet är nämligen att det är arbetaren själv som måste bli kapabel att zooma ut ifrån sin tillvaro och kunna urskilja vad som är eller inte är på gång på arbetsplatsen. Vi ser därmed självaktiviteten som levd praxis. Självaktiviteten kan tematiseras, beskrivas och undersökas utifrån men den kan endast utföras genom en överlagd livsföring som styr undan från de båda blindskär som ”att göra sitt jobb” och ”klassisk politisk organisering” innebär.

Vi ser därmed arbetaren och arbetarkollektivet som en grundläggande handlingsenhet i en klasskampsstrategi, där grunden är tron på att varje arbetare och varje arbetarkollektiv är utrustad med en valfrihet som inte helt och hållet kan infångas av någon samhällelig kausalitet och inte heller helt uppgå i sociala roller eller till fullo bestämmas av den tekniska organiseringen av arbetarklassen. Arbetaren är aldrig bara en arbetare. Denna ”frihet” eller ”utsida” yttrar sig i det ansiktslösa motståndet och i självorganiseringen, som först och främst handlar om att säkra ett frihetsutrymme gentemot samhälleliga institutioner och organisationer, gentemot manipulatörer och politiker. Utifrån detta utrymme kan sedan andra mer offensiva kamper föras. Det viktiga är att ”skära ut” en livsvärld under och efter arbetsdagen där andra förhållanden än lönearbetets och produktivitetens kan utvecklas fritt. Detta gör att vi redan i det ansiktslösa motståndet kan se tendenser till en kritik av vår funktion som arbetarklass och att kampen inte bara är ett försök att tillgodogöra sig tid, nyttigheter och bruksvärden utifrån vår funktion som kapitalets nödvändiga arbete.

Det långsiktiga målet bör vara att producera ett självaktivitets parti, eller ett utomfackligt fack, som emellertid inte har formen av ett politiskt parti, en facklig formell organisation eller ens som en organisation. Ett sådant parti bör snarare ha en informell karaktär som tar sig uttryck i en omedelbar och personlig insats på arbetsplatserna och inom de olika former av organisationer och strukturer som arbetarklassen är instängd i. Det här förhållningssättet kan kallas för projektualitet – eftersom det reser sig ifrån något som är förhanden men som kan utvecklas och spridas genom utförandet av personliga politiska projekt.

Undersökningen och lanserandet av begrepp, projektualiteten, har därför handlat om att lokalisera ett utspritt samhälleligt fenomen som kan genomgå ett slags realitetstest och peka på något som faktiskt sker, i motsats till något som vore önskvärt eller tidigare har fungerat. All kamp som inte är baserad på vad som verkligen sker på arbetsplatserna är dömd att misslyckas.

Marcel

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Annonser

Självaktivitet, strategi och klassmakt torsdag, Jan 14 2010 

Sju långa år
För ungefär sju år sedan skrev jag och några före detta arbetskamrater ner våra erfarenheter från kamperna på ett bageri där vi hade jobbat. För mig kom det att utgöra en startpunkt för ett mer utåtriktat och långsiktigt arbete med klassorganisering och politisk organisering.

Även om vissa av oss (speciellt medlemmarna i Kämpa tillsammans!) redan hade vänt och vridit på de här frågorna en hel del, så var publiceringen av de första texterna ett steg ut i vänsterns offentlighet. Publiceringen kom ganska snart efter kravallerna under EU-toppmötet i Göteborg och de mottogs med både entusiasm och tvekan. För en del var det en välbehövlig ”vändning” gentemot vår vardag och andra var oförstående till vår ovilja att ha en ”politiskt linje” gentemot fackföreningarna. Man var oförstående till att ha en ”facklig linje” som var baserad på klassintresse istället för en politisk motivation att stärka den ena eller andra falangen. Å andra sidan blev våra texter väl emottagna av till exempel folk från folkrörelselinjen och delar av SAC. Helt enkelt andra som såg arbetarklassens självständiga arbetsplatskamp som det centrala och/eller själva hade erfarenhet av kämpande arbetarkollektiv.

Strategin utformar krigsplanen och dess mål bestämmer de enskilda stridshandlingarna, som skall leda till målet. Det innebär att strategin skisserar de olika operationerna och inlemmar de enskilda striderna i den.
von Clausewitz

Den andra arbetarrörelsen
När vi skrev våra första texter om jobben vi haft så kände vi inte till begreppet ”militanta undersökningar” och sättet de användes på. Men vi hade redan börjat intressera oss för de politiska inriktningar som satte arbetarklassens kamper i första rummet och snart läste vi om vad kamrater i Italien, Frankrike, USA och Sverige gjort och skrivit innan oss. När vi läste om tidigare generationers kamper så kände vi också igen oss. Vi identifierade oss med tidigare arbetare som haft liknande osäkra arbetsförhållanden och drivit en kompromisslös klasskamp. På det sättet såg vi vår historia och våra historiska föregångare både i texter och kamper. När vi på våra arbetsplatser vände oss till facket för att få hjälp men fick kalla handen och istället på ett direkt och utomfackligt sätt började kämpa tillsammans med arbetskamraterna var det lätt att känna igen sig i teorier om att det fanns en ”andra” arbetarrörelse vid sidan om den officiella. Vi var de tillfälligt anställda som fick skapa medbestämmande genom sabotage, löneförhöjning genom stöld och arbetstidsförkortning genom maskning.

Det ansiktslösa motståndet är ett resultat i sig: en oförmedlad kamp leder inte till en seger eller vinst utan är i sig en seger och vinst. Om jag går hem från jobbet en halvtimme tidigare än vad jag egentligen slutar, vilket jag ofta gör, har jag i och med att jag genomfört denna arbetstidsförkortning vunnit min seger. Målet är realiserat och en delseger är vunnen. Självklart kan nya mål och hotsituationer uppstå utifrån detta. Men det viktiga med det ansiktslösa motståndet och självaktiviteten är att medlet på sätt och vis blir till ett mål. Det ansiktslösa motståndet tycks därmed ha en fullständigt annan karaktär än förmedlad kamp just genom att det inte fungerar på samma sätt som förmedlad kamp: oförmedlad kamp genererar inte ett mål utan är ett mål.
Marcel

Dessa kamper, eller praktiker, som slog direkt mot ledningen och på ett omedelbart sätt gjorde våra liv lättare kom vi att kalla ”ansiktslöst motstånd” i brist på bättre namn. Det här var i en tid då vänstern, vår politiska omgivning, till stor del såg det som att det var ”lugnt” eller ”fred” på arbetsplatserna, i skarp kontrast till vår uppfattning om vår situation på arbetsplatserna. Jag menar fortfarande att det pågår ett dagligt klasskrig där ingen fred är möjlig så länge kapitalismen ännu existerar.

Partiet, facket, vänstergruppen osv. är medel – sätt att organisera rörelsen/kampen. De leder fram till en seger eller en förlust (….) det ansiktslösa motståndet är rörelsen, kampen, segern…
Marcel

Så begreppet ansiktslöst motstånd var ett sätt att beskriva de kampmetoder som arbetare redan använde dagligen. Vi betonade ofta det taktiska i dessa arbetsmetoder. Speciellt kanske i form av ”de små stegens politik” där man kämpade tillsammans och kunde ta större strider efterhand som man började känna varandra och lärde känna varandra. Vi beskrev i de första arbetsplatsrapporterna hur arbetarkollektiven bildades i kampen och hur dess medlemmar stötte varandra. I senare texter, exempelvis Management för proletärer, gick vi mer i detalj in på hur arbetarkollektiven formerades. En av de saker vi betonade var att oavsett vilken facklig linje man hade så var all framgångsrik kamp på arbetsplatsen beroende av solidariteten arbetskamrater emellan; ett starkt arbetarkollektiv.

Saken är väl att all form av klassmakt kommer ur självaktivitet. Representanter av olika slag kan aldrig göra något utan den ”galne niggern bakom ryggen”. Alla organisatörer av olika slag vill ANVÄNDA denna självaktivitet till sina fack/partier/organisationer. Vår ståndpunkt är att självaktiviteten är vad som ska organiseras, utvecklas och spridas.
Raven

Självaktivitet som strategi

För många av dem som var ute och kämpade på arbetsplatserna så räckte det, folk förstod vad vi menade. Men samtidigt var vi inte lika nog med att beskriva varför vi såg självaktiviteten som så central för klasskampens långsiktiga utveckling. Min fasta övertygelse är att klasskampen är den dominerande konflikten i samhället och dess tydliga uttryck finns på arbetsplatserna. Inte bara på grund av att det är där den dagliga kampen och utsugningen sker, utan också för att det är där vi lättast kan finna den gemenskap som gör att vi kan kämpa tillsammans. Så ska vi få någon seriös och bestående förändring av samhället måste den ha en utgångspunkt i den kamp mot lönearbetet som sker på arbetsplatserna. Med konkreta erfarenheter av kollektiv kamp tillsammans med arbetskamrater och grannar så har vi kommit fram till att den enda realistiska möjligheten att skapa förändringar i samhället sker genom självorganiserad arbetarkamp.

Så det vi gör, kamperna och spridningen av erfarenheter, är något som går utöver det ”mikroplan” som den enskilda arbetsplatsen utgör. Det är en del i stärkandet och byggandet av ”den andra arbetarrörelsen”. Den enda rörelse som på allvar kan förändra det här samhället. Arbetarklassens självaktivitet är inte bara en taktik för att gynna våra omedelbara behov utan också en strategi, en övergripande och långsiktig plan för att öka klassmakten och för att avskaffa alla klasser.

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Self-activity, strategy and class power måndag, Jan 4 2010 

In this short text Kim Müller writes about why Kämpa Tillsammans see the workplace struggles as central and their strategic view on faceless resistance and self-activity.

Seven long years
About seven years ago a few work comrades and I wrote about the experiences of our struggles at the bakery we used worked at. Personally this constituted a start for a more forward looking and long term work in class- and political organization. Even though some of us (especially the members of Kämpa tillsammans!) already had grappled with these issues a lot, the publication of the first texts was a step into the leftist arena. The publication came quite soon after the riots during the EU-summit in Gothenburg and were received with both enthusiasm and doubts. Some saw it as a much needed ”turn” towards our everyday life and others were puzzled by our refusal to have a political position on the trade unions. They did not comprehend having a trade union position that was based on the interest of the class rather than a political motivation to strengthen one of the various factions. On the other hand out texts were received quite well by some union activists both from LO and SAC – simply put those who sees the working class’ independent workplace struggles as central and/or had experiences from active workers’ collectives.

The strategy forms the battle plan and its goals decides the individual battles which shall lead to the goal. This means the strategy outlines the different operations and incorporates the individual battles in the strategy.
– von Clausewitz

The Other Workers’ Movement
When we wrote those first few texts about the job we had we were not familiar with the concept of ”militant investigation/research” and how they were applied. But we had already started getting interested in those political currents that put the primacy on the working class’ struggles and we were soon reading about what comrades in Italy, France, USA and Sweden had done and written about before us. We recognized ourselves in the struggles of previous generations that we read about, and we identified with those previous workers who had similar insecure work conditions and had engaged in uncompromising class struggle. In this way we saw our history and our historical predecessors both in texts and struggles. When we in our workplaces turned to the union for help but instead got cold feet, and instead started directly, and outside of the unions, to struggle together with our work comrades it was easy to identify with the theories that argued that there was an ”other” workers’ movement next to the official one. We were the temporary employed who created influence through sabotage, wage increase through theft and reduction in working time through ‘go-slow’ actions.

Faceless resistance is a result in itself: an unmediated struggle doesn’t lead to a victory or gain but is itself a victory and a gain. If I leave work half an hour earlier than I should, something I often do, I have already won through the act of reducing my own workday. My goal is realized and a partial victory has been won. Of course new goals and situations occur out of this. But the important thing about faceless resistance and self-activity is that the means is in a way becomes the goal. Faceless resistance thus seem to have a completely different character than a mediated struggle in the way that it doesn’t function the same way as mediated struggle: unmediated struggle doesn’t generate a goal, but is a goal.
– Marcel

These struggles, or practices, that struck management directly and made out lives immediately easier we came to call ”faceless resistance” for lack of a better name. This was during a time when the left, our political environment, to a large degree saw that it was ”calm” or ”peace” at the workplaces, in stark contrast to our understanding of our situations at the workplaces. I still argue that an everyday class war is occurring and no peace is possible as long as capitalism exists.

The party, the trade union, the leftist group etc. are means – ways in which to organize the movement/struggle. They lead to a victory or a loss (…) faceless resistance is the movement, the struggle, the victory…
– Marcel

The concept of faceless resistance is one way to describe those methods of struggle that workers already use daily. We often emphasized the tactical in these methods. Especially in the form of ”the politics of baby steps” where you struggle together and can take on larger struggles afterwards as workers start to learn to know each other. In the first workplace reports we described how workers’ collectives were developed/built through the struggle and how its members supported each other. In later texts, e.g. ”Proletarian management”, we wrote more detailed about how workers’ collectives are formed. One of the things we stressed was that regardless of the view on the role of the trade unions, every successful struggle at workplaces came from the solidarity between workmates; a strong workers’ collective.

The fact is that all forms of class power comes from self-activity. Representatives of various sorts can never do anything without the ”the black man standing behind me with a Molotov cocktail.”Note Raven is referring to the (maybe false but thats not the point) quote by Martin Luther King Jr – “I am only effective as long as there is a shadow on white America of the black man standing behind me with a Molotov cocktail.” . Every organizer of various sorts will USE this self-activity for their own union/party/organization. Our position is that it is the self-activity that should be organized, developed and circulated.

-Raven

Self-activity as strategy
For many of those who were struggling at workplaces it was enough, people understood what we meant. But at the same time we felt it wasn’t simply enough to just describe why we saw self-activity of workers as central to the long-term development of the class struggle. I am convinced that the class struggle is the dominant struggle in society and their clearest expressions are to be found at the workplaces. This conviction is not just based on the fact that it is there that the daily struggle and exploitation happens, but also because it is there that we most easily can find the community that enables us to struggle together. If we are to get any serious and permanent change of society it has to be based on the struggle against wage-labour that occurs at the workplaces. From the concrete experiences of collective struggles together with workmates and neighbours we have come to the conclusion that the only realistic possibility to create changes in society happens through self-organized workers’ struggle. So what we are doing, the struggles and dissemination of experiences, is something that goes beyond the ”microlevel” of the individual workplace. It is a part of the strengthening and construction of ”the other workers’ movement” – the only movement that can seriously change our current society. The working class’ self-activity is not just a tactic to benefit our direct needs but also a strategy, an overall and long-term plan to increase our power as a class and abolish all classes.

Translated by Khawaga

Lernia Correctional Facility torsdag, Feb 14 2008 

Lernia Correctional Facility – a story from a Swedish unemployment programme

I have spent about two years in different unemployment programmes in a mid-size Swedish town and this is my story about that experience. For most of the time I was training to become a cook in the Lernia programme (nicknamed ”Lernia Correctional Facility” by its inmates). The following story will not discuss much the time I spent in different restaurants as a trainee, instead I will save the stories from that sector for later.

At the Lernia Correctional Facility I spent a total time of about 18 months at Lernia, starting in 2001 and ending in 2003. A few months before spending eighteen months at Lernia I was fired from a big industrial bakery that closed down (see the text Faceless Resistance – Everyday resistance at a Swedish bakery). However, the first programme I was forced into was a computer education programme. This was in the mid 1990s and the course lasted for twelve weeks. And that’s where I will start the story:

“Who has stolen a mouse from the Obelix classroom?”
Boss at the computer programme for the unemployed

The fact that a classroom in an unemployment program is named after a character in a comic book for children will not surprise anybody who has ever in these kindergarten for adults. The first unemployment programme I attended was a twelve week computer program dedicated to MS Office. We had seven weeks of lessons and and five for practice. This was in the mid 1990s when home computers weren’t that common, so during the course we could not e.g. use the internet. The five weeks of practice was a joke. One group of five people had five weeks to make a new menu for a local pizza restaurant. I had some prior experience with computers and learned far more from just playing around than from the actual lessons. Sometime during the course a few representatives from the local employment office made a huge mistake. They seemed to be unaware of how much people hate them and detest the employment office. While talking to a large group of unemployed in the program they hadn’t realized that the only reason we had been civil at other meetings (often as individuals was because they could threaten us. As we were already forced to do something we didn’t like they could hardly threaten us! We were divided into two groups to met one dole adviser each. It was great. For once we were in a large group and could act with the power and protection that the group gives you. The adviser we met with got the yelling of his life. People brought up all the pointless shit the dole office had ever handed to them. It all started when the old bastard of an adviser said that there were no more back breaking labouring jobs anymore. We gave the man a thorough lesson in class hatred and we left the class room smiling and stronger as a group. When we proudly told the other group of our achievement, they smugly replied, ”That’s nothing! Our adviser started crying!”.

The five week computer practice that a few others and I had to do was running the coffee house at the school. It was a bit unclear to us what we were supposed to learn about computers doing that, but of course it meant that the school board did not have to hire anyone to work there. It wasn’t so bad, we played some cards, drank a lot of coffee and could steal cookies. Since it was more than ten years ago, the computers sadly had no internet connection, but a nerdy teacher still gave us a lesson in netiquette, so we would not be totally lost and rude. He gave us a inspired speech telling us that if we only wrote in big letters we would be in serious trouble – “I promise you, the other users will bash you, they will for sure!”. We were scared stiff – nerds would threaten us over the internet!

The advisers promised to organize field trips to different companies for us, asking us if we had any suggestions. Karin who was a young mother of three and a woman of vision, suggested that we should go to the court. Stunned and surprised by her proposal they asked Karin if she planned to become a lawyer or a judge. She replied that she considered becoming a criminal since that career seemed to provide the best options for the future in her situation; her husband was in jail for armed robbery. In the end we never went on any field trips, not even to the court and I didn’t get any computer-related work after the course.

Lernia Correctional Facility
Lernia is an education company founded by the state, but is an independent profit-making entity selling education programs to the state’s employment office. Being run for profit means that Lernia takes on as many students as possible and it’s rather hard to get expelled. Their basic business plan is many students, few teachers and low-cost facilities. The consequences this has on the education people get at Lernia is another issue.

When I had been out of work for a few months after being fired from the bakery, the employement office decided I had to be activated. I was told to check out some of the education programmes and they made it reasonably clear that the best thing for me was to enroll in a program, get a job or else…

I picked the chef’s education. While I had no real interest to work as a chef because the restaurant business is a shitty business, I decided to take that course because I just love food and cooking. I thought that I could learn something. Because of reasons unknown to me it seemed to be an advantage that I had worked in a bread factory so I was easily admitted to the program. It lasted for about eighteen months and we made food for other Lernia programs, for some students and for those that were taking the ”Swedish for Immigrants” course. As part of the program we had practical work placements at six different places, mostly private restaurants but also at some larger institutions (e.g. hospitals).

“The factory worker lives and breathes dirt and oil.”
Paul Romano, The American Worker

The Swedish out-of-worker lives and breathes dreariness and boredom. The obvious reason for some people to call Lernia ”Correctional Facility” or ”Penitentiary Lernia” was that they saw the place for what it is: a place to keep us locked up. Sure, there were education programmes running, and some of us (me included) do actually work in kitchens now, but most of us had been forced to take the course and had no interest in food whatsoever. The chances of getting a job at a restaurant was slim – show me one restaurant owner who hires a chef of 55 years fresh out of school! The teachers had a divided attitude towards their work. The ones that were ok just taught us how to cook to those of us who were interested. They didn’t care about the managing part of the job, something the other teachers did. They were more interested in controlling us, such as what times we were present at Lernia. To begin with there was one teacher that hid in the bushes by the entrance to spy on people leaving the institution early. To out relief she was given other things to do.

Being at Lernia was a bit like going back to school, but with a greater mess of people of different backgrounds, ages and experiences. Some of the older students seemed to feel they had to explain why they were there – maybe because they identified themselves with their former job or something like that. But most of us were pretty used to being unemployed or flexible workers, and to being shoveled between lots of different jobs and programmes. We spent a lot of time in the school yard bullshitting and playing cards. We spent a lot of time in the school yard just bullshitting and playing cards. The ‘entrepreneurs’ among us smuggling and peddling moonshine and cigarettes had busy days, so at least some work got done.

Different backgrounds – different struggles
Almost all of us who went to the restaurant program had some previous experience of either the restaurant business or in food processing. It was easy to see the differences in the people coming from the two different backgrounds. I myself had worked in a big bakery, and I was used to regular breaks at certain times and to a collective spirit among the workers; a certain us-against-them attitude towards the management. These attitudes weren’t so strong among the restaurant workers who instead had a more individualist cockiness. While we were more used to fighting as a collective, they were more used to taking on the bosses as individuals.

Better stand up
I was honestly a bit tired of the huge conflicts and constant battles we had had in the bakery – I even thought they were rather funny at times, but they also wore me out a bit. After a bit of thinking I had decided to be a bit more hesitant when it comes to taking part in the conflicts that always occur in all workplaces and unemployment programmes. However, my desire to keep a low profile did not live long. Maybe this happened because you can’t always choose your battles – they simply happen and you have to decide whether you want to prove that you have a spine or not. There’s nothing honourable about it really. During this programme we had fairly common experiences and interests and that is always a good breeding ground for solidarity. That doesn’t mean that we all got along fine all the time (at a few occasions even fist-fights occurred) but on a general level we solved our conflicts among ourselves without running to the management.

Injuries and boredom
Every time someone burned or cut himself badly, which happened a lot in the beginning, there were always jokes about that the person did it on purpose to get a sick leave. This points to how boring it was being in the programme. We tried to avoid being there as much as we could, and at the same time trying not losing too much money because of it (if you called in sick you lost a days dole). The general scheme for getting away wasn’t very imaginative: we simply went home early.

‘Arseface Andersson’
Some of the teachers had become more and more annoyed by our habit of leaving early. One day one of them went mad because of it. He adressed ”Arseface Andersson”, who was a typical ars-kisser and yes-man, and sent him running around with lists of attendance . He runs up to me, Pavel and Markus while we’re loitering around chatting, and says to me ”Kim, you are an orderly guy. You take attendance for the basic programme and I will do the advanced programme.” I was surprised at being called orderly but answered: ”I am not checking any attendance, it’s not my job and I don’t care if people go home early or not.”. He gets very surprised by that reply and asks Pavel instead. Pavel, cool as always, answers in the czech language which makes Arseface speechless for a few moment before he asks Markus, the youngest of the crowd. Markus looks like he is going to panic but answers in a high piping tone; ”I can’t read or write!” Arseface then puts his tail between his legs and run away to snitch to the teachers. The next day everybody is talking about the incident and a kind of pride spread among the students. It is now unthinkable to help out with taking attendance.

Calling in sick
Even though it cost a bit, calling in sick was also widespread and a common way of not attending the programme. During the World Cup of 2002, skiving took on enormous proportions. The World Cup was played in Japan and South Korea so games were played during school hours because of the time difference. We suggested to the management that they could show Sweden’s games at school, but they refused. So naturally when Sweden played their first game, there were so many kitchen students calling in sick that the kitchen had hige problems supplying food for the rest of the school. The teachers got mad about this and threatened us with expulsion from the programme and being cut off from the dole for those that called in sick next time Sweden were to play. I missed most of this conflict as I had taken a week-long sick leave. Since every time you called in sick you got a day of waiting before you got your benefit, I had decided that it would be financially wiser to take one longer leave instead of several shorter ones. Besides I didn’t want to miss the World Cup. Eventually it turned out that the threat was just words – they couldn’t really kick someone out for just getting a game-day flu.

There is no such thing as a free lunch
Despite the fact that we made a hell of a lot of food and were unemployed and broke, the management actually thought that we should pay for our lunches. Of course, from the start we were only “tasting” the food and ate when we could do so without being noticed. After a while however, this habit became more and more widespread and open. When the teacher went to lunch a group of us stayed behind and organized something that became almost a little ritual. When the last teacher had gone it was like a signal for everybody to draw their spoons. We went around and tried each other’s food, had a good time, ate together and gave each other critiques on the dishes. When it was my birthday, the ones training in desserts had made a cake so this also turned into a tradition. Another way to get more good food was to order too much from the whole sellers. When we planned our dishes we had to tell the teacher how much we wanted. We started to order too much of the ingredients everybody liked so that we could share among ourselves. We could also steal some of the more expensive and easily concealable ingredients – for example, I have never eaten so much pâté de fois gras as when I attended Lernia. But generally the management were prepared against theft. For example, the knives were chained to the walls and the door to the phone room was locked. We could use computers and internet for finding recipes, but as soon as we started playing games and music on the computers, the teachers reacted on this and forced us to sign an “agreement” not to use the computers for anything not related to the ”education” we were given. We weren’t allowed to check email, pay bills, play games or listen to music. But the agreement was of course only a paper and those of us who didn’t take signing it too seriously didn’t really care anyway. You don´t stop something like that with a paper.

“As a union, we must be better in speaking out for better conditions for the employers.”
– A representative for the Hotel- and Restaurant Union (social democrats)

One fine day, a representative for the Hotel- and Restaurant Union came to visit the programme to persuade us to become members and tell us how great they were. I looked forward to hearing what kind of stupid bullshit they had to say and in any case, it was something that broke up the everyday monotony. The student who had invited them had never worked himself, so it wasn’t a surprise that he held some illusions about the union. The union representative held a short introduction and then we could ask questions. Josefa then points out that the Swedish unions are wimps and that we should “do like they do in France” (this generally refers to strikes, blockades and riots – the mythical french working class is the true vanguard for the Swedish workers…). This opinion is so widespread that you can tell that the representative has heard this many times before. The representative responds by saying that the results the french workers achieve by strikes and riots, we achieve through negotiations in Sweden. I wish I could say that I had a clever answer to this and that everybody cheered when I spoke up, but as usual the answer turns up a little later when you have time to think about it. If it is true that the french workers get their results from their own self-activity then they are aware of their own strength and learn through their strikes and riots. We have on the other hand have been “granted” our results as a kind gift by “our” talented negotiators. So in reality it is not the same results by far. However, the meeting ended with a gem from Pablo “The restaurant owners are also thiefs and bandits, just like us!“. On the other hand we only steal back a small part of the profit we make for the owners.

Friday afternoon coffee
Students in our programme were divided into basic and advanced level, and some of the teacher actively tried to encourage this hierarchical division, promoting pennalism and things like that. Of course a few of the students got a hard-on from the idea that they were a bit superior because they had spent a few more months on an education programme for the unemployed than others. One might think that it was a bit unnecessary with a division among us; the leftovers of the job market, the dregs of society that wasn’t even useful enough to get a job. Depicting us as useless was an image that we had been bombarded with by the media and the employment office, and sadly some among us really felt bad about being unemployed. The division between the two programmes had been even greater before I started – e.g. it had been customary that the basic stundets acted as dishwashers for the advanced. But a new tough group among the students had refused to do the dishes and it had stopped. On the traditional friday afternoon coffee break, it was a custom that people from different programmes sat at different tables, which was encouraged by teachers by them sharing tables with their respective groups and controlling conversations. When my group moved into the advanced programme, we knew what was expected of us on the first friday. Instead we went in late and just sat down with our old mates from the basic programme and that was it. The division at that specific occasion was broken down, even without turning into a conflict. No screaming or yelling, just a few evil eyes. It was obvious that we did as we pleased and that no one openly questioned it. The following fridays everybody sat where they wanted. Later on we started to going to the pub together with people from both programmes, and this also strengthend us as a collective. It was great to see how people acted when they were in a leisurely environment.

The reward
One friday the teachers made it clear that it was very important that everybody was present during afternoon coffee as they had an announcement to make. We sat down and the tension in the teachers faces were obvious when they told us the news. A company had given the school some kitchen equipment – knives and stuff like that – and instead of just using them as everybody’s property the teachers had decided to use them as a reward. We were suppossed to suggest someone as a winner of the reward and a name for it. They would provide a box that we could place our suggestions in. The criteria for the reward was that you should be “socially competent”, helpful and dedicated. I looked around the room and could see faces darken. It felt as an attack upon our unity and solidarity, as a way to whip up a more competitive and productive attitude in the group. No one had any suggestions or anything else to say and when the meeting was over we walked out in silence, feeling down and worried. Suddenly Juan says something that relieves all the tension as he asks: “Well, who are you gonna nominate for the Arselicker of the Year Award?”. Everybody starts laughing like mad and that second the our collective mood changed – everybody started joking and everything is fine again. This move from the teachers was of course meant to sort out an “elite” among us who would speed up the production and rush the other, but in reality it had the opposite effect. If someone had been nominated for the reward it would have been a way to make fun of that person. But as far as I know, the teachers never mentioned it again, and no nominations found its way to that box. The reward had a name anyway – we all knew that.

The evaluation
As the end of the programme was approaching we were given the task of completing an evaluation form for our period spent at Lernia. Although it was supposed to be anonymous the worst teacher was circling around us like a vulture over a corpse. The form had different options and the possibility to write something extra. There had been some complaints about that teacher, especially his ”fondness” for the female students (he was later fired). We were five people completing this form at the same time and all but one of us were very critical of both the programmes and of the said teacher. We handed in the form together so that no one could be singled out for repression. Hopefully we contributed to this asshole being fired. The programme hadn’t been a complete waste of time: we had learnt a few things about cooking, but also a few tricks about fighting for out interests and being loyal to ones’ mates.

A meaningless education?
If God decided to visit these Swedish programmes for the unemployed he would cry. The bureaucracy, boredom and agony that are built into these programmes and institutions are unbelievable. The vast majority of the participants had a hard time seeing any point in these daycare centers for adults. But if you think they are pointless you are very wrong; actually the lack of meaning is one of their most important purposes.

Lifelong learning – lifelong suffering
According to the employment office and the government, the purpose of these programmes is to fight against unemployment. However, this is wrong. Many critics claim instead that the purpose is to fight the unemployed. This isn’t true either. The purpose is to fight the working class as a whole. I will try to explain how and why. For example, take this guy called Göran. He is 58 years old and totally uninterested in cooking when he is forced to join a chef-programme. He also knows that no restaurant will hire him when he is finished. At first I was puzzled about it; what was the reason for keeping him there? My basic attitude when I started was that the employment office do things to support the companies and that no company would hire him. After a while it become clear to me – the old git isn’t being educated to work but to seek jobs. i.e. to be unemployed. This a part of what a marxist would call “the reproduction of the working class/work force”. Reproduction doesn’t just mean the birth of new workers, but also to force the existing workers to their workplaces. The point of having many unemployed workers that is prepared to take any job puts a lot of pressure on the workers who actually hold a job. The ones who have a job are very aware of how you are treated by the employment office and that by itself is a good reason to shut up and do as your boss tells you. Another purpose of these programmes is the free labor that these companies is offered: they don´t have to pay for the actual work being performed and they don´t have to hire someone to do the work the students perform. This also means they don´t have to raise the low salaries of the kitchen slaves.

To learn how to work or to learn how to be a worker
One of the main purposes of the education was to teach us to become workers, to “reproduce” us. Just because we were out of work we couldn’t be allowed to forget to get up early in the morning and do some pointless task that we hated. Even though today that doesn’t only mean blind obedience, we were supposed to learn the “norms and values” of the restaurant business; the customer is always right, no taking breaks during rush hours and etc. In the Swedish kitchens the norm is very few workers per kitchen, which means that it’s more important to learn how to work independently than to take orders. However, to learn how to be a worker also means to learn how to struggle together with others. The conflicts during an education are not the same as the ones that take place during ”real” work. Nevertheless, the conflicts at Lernia was harder than I had anticipated.

Kim Müller, Kämpa tillsammans!

Kriminalvårdsanstalt Lernia – en historia om arbetslöshet och åtgärder. torsdag, Jan 10 2008 

Kriminalvårdsanstalt Lernia – en historia om arbetslöshet och åtgärder.
Fett ös – arbetslös
Jag har spenderat ungefär 2 år på olika åtgärder i en halvstor stad i mellansverige och det här är min berättelse om denna tid. Det mesta av den tiden gick jag en kockutbildning på Lernia (fd AMU). I denna redogörelse kommer jag dock att utelämna det mesta av tiden jag spenderade ute på restauranger. Det får istället komma i en senare historia om mina erfarenheter från den branschen. Den första arbetsmarknadsåtgärden jag gick på var ett datortek. På datorteket gick jag i mitten av 90-talet och där var jag 12 veckor. På Kriminalvårdsanstalt (Kva) Lernia spenderade jag ungefär 18 månader. Jag hade några månader tidigare fått sparken från ett bageri som stängt efter att ha köpts upp av en större koncern (se texterna Det ansiktslösa motståndet, Bageriet som Gud glömde, Fack off!). (mer…)

Samma fiender, samma kamp! – Förord och länk torsdag, Jan 10 2008 

Motkraft finns häftet att läsa eller ladda ner. Samma fiender, samma kamp! kom ut 1998.

Det kan också köpas i som häfte av Radikal Distro. (mer…)

”Possibilities are found in the struggle outside the unions” torsdag, Jan 10 2008 

Interview with Swedish communist group Kämpa tillsammans about ”faceless resistance” and workplace organisation.

M: What is Kämpa tillsammans?
KT: We call ourselves a writing collective, where we have discussions together and a collective signature. What we are occupied with is class struggle theory.

M: What made you start the group?

Initially it was because we put together a pamphlet with texts from the autonomist movement in Western Europe. We called the pamphlet Kämpa tillsammans, but as a group we did not have a name. We weren’t really a group, more like an editorial board. We were interviewed by the danish magazine Autonomi and they referred to us as Kämpa tillsammans. When we some time later felt the need to write something by and express ourselves, we used that name. (mer…)

Προλεταριακή διεύθυνση � ’τυπη Οργάνωση στους χώρους εργασίας torsdag, Jan 10 2008 

Πηγή: Kδmpa Tillsammans! (Αγωνιζόμαστε Μαζί!) Οκτώβρης 2005 – http://www.polkagris.nu/index.php?sida=text&id=30
Μετάφραση:�για τη διάδοση της μεταδοτικής λύσσας, Γενάρης 2008

Δεν είναι μόνο η χειραφέτηση της εργατικής τάξης που είναι έργο της ίδιας της τάξης αλλά και οι πρακτικές χειραφέτησης ορίζονται από την ίδια. Έτσι, το ζήτημα της εργατικής αυτονομίας δεν είναι πρωταρχικά ένα πολιτικό ζήτημα αλλά ένα ζήτημα οργανωτικό, και το άρθρο αυτό έχει να κάνει με την υλική και πραγματική εργατική αυτονομία και το πώς υφίσταται αυτή σήμερα, στη Σουηδία του 21ου αιώνα. Η κύρια θέση μας είναι ότι οι αγώνες στους χώρους εργασίας δε διεξάγονται πρώτα και κύρια μέσα από τη διαμεσολάβηση των συνδικάτων, αλλά μέσα από την άτυπη οργάνωση που συχνά τείνει να δημιουργηθεί ανάμεσα σε συναδέλφους εργαζομένους. Ωστόσο, αυτή η οργάνωση δεν είναι κάτι αυτό-δημιούργητο. Πρέπει να παραχθεί, κι έπειτα να αναπτυχθεί και να επεκταθεί. Το βασικό συμπέρασμά μας είναι ότι η δυνατότητα ριζοσπαστικού αντικαπιταλιστικού αγώνα αναπτύσσεται εκεί όπου πραγματικά υφίσταται. Σήμερα, αυτός ο αγώνας δεν μπορεί να διεξάγεται κάτω από το σχήμα των συνδικάτων, αλλά μέσα από άτυπες οργανώσεις στο χώρο εργασίας, και είναι ακριβώς ο ανεξάρτητος, άτυπος και αδιαμεσολάβητος χαρακτήρας του αγώνα που τον κάνει πραγματικά ριζοσπαστικό και αντικαπιταλιστικό. Στο άρθρο αυτό προσπαθούμε να διερευνήσουμε το πώς δημιουργείται και πώς διαμορφώνεται. Ας ξεκινήσουμε λοιπόν με μια ματιά στο τι έχουν να πουν, οι ανταγωνιστές μας στον ταξικό αγώνα, για τις άτυπες οργανώσεις στους χώρους εργασίας και τους «άτυπους υποκινητές» τους, και το πώς η ανάπτυξη νέων διευθυντικών θεωριών τους περνά μέσα από την εξέταση νέων πρακτικών για συνεχή εκμετάλλευση. (mer…)

Angreppets och undandragandets kommunism söndag, Jan 6 2008 

Marcel, medlem av Kämpa tillsammans!

[V]i kommer att vara reaktionärer och revolutionärer, kättare och profeter. Vi har aldrig stått längre ifrån och närmare Marx! Vår motsägelse är endast hans motsägelse som uppstod under hans teoretiska utveckling. (J.L. Darlet, Brev till Jacques Camatte)

Vi har ofta beskrivit kommunismen som proletariatets rörelse inom men mot kapitalismen. Vi har utgått från att denna rörelse, dvs. arbetarklassens klasskamp, på dialektiskt manér både producerat och producerats av kapitalförhållandet. Vi har därför hävdat att det är denna motsättning som ger kapitalet möjlighet att utvecklas. Utifrån denna utgångspunkt har vi analyserat denna paradox som den faktiska motsättningen mellan arbete och kapital. Vi har i många olika sammanhang berört och diskuterat detta och med hjälp av militanta undersökningar har vi försökt att beskriva hur denna motsättning framträder i verkligheten. En text som undersöker och definierar denna paradox – det vill säga proletariatets verkliga rörelse – rent begreppsligt, har emellertid saknats och länge varit önskvärd. (mer…)

If you wan´t peace- prepare for war! söndag, Jan 6 2008 

Meningen med den här artikeln är att kritiskt granska icke-våldslig civil olydnad med utgångspunkt i marxistisk politisk ekonomi. Motivet för en sådan granskning måste självklart vara kampen för förändring.

Vi tror att det är nödvändigt att använda marxistisk analys för att förstå denna kampmetod och hur effektiv den är. Och vår egen position är att vi är öppet fientliga till alla teorier, inriktningar och rörelser som används till att minska militansen hos proletariatet och andra förtryckta grupper. De som ser icke-våld som en princip är inte vår målgrupp med den här artikeln. De har redan tryckts tillbaka från stora delar av den revolutionära, utomparlamentariska vänstern och det ser vi som något positivt. Vi tar heller inte upp alla de gamla vanliga argumenten som militanter använt i debatter mot t ex plogbillar. Vår målgrupp med den här artikeln är istället de som definierar sig som vänster och (mycket riktigt!) ser icke-våld som en taktik som kan användas från och till. Om vi håller med om det, varför skriver vi då? Helt enkelt för att använda fel metod vid fel tidpunkt kan få fruktansvärda konsekvenser. Under den utomparlamentariska rörelsens historia i Sverige under 90-talet tror vi nämligen att fler människor har blivit skadade (eller fått böter) vid tillfällen de trott att snuten inte skulle attackera (t ex porr- och pälsblockader och ”fredliga” ockupationer av hus, väg- eller skogsmaskiner) än när folk varit inställda på röj. Sen är det naturligtvis så att det inte finns någon enkel gräns mellan de som använder icke-våld av ”principiella” eller ”taktiska” skäl. (mer…)

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